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THE TURNING POINT PREDICTING RISK

TO END THE OPOID EPIDEMIC SENSE OF URGENCY

STILL AFFECTIVE AFTER ALL THESE YEARS

AFTER 80 YEARS, AA STIL WORKS

8 STARTING YOUNG FIRST YEARS

ARE VACCINES THE ANSWER LOOKING TOWARD THE FUTURE

who doesn’t feel the Woman WHAT THE FUTURE HOLDS.... As for people with CIP, Woods says he doesn't know if treatment using nalox- one is an option. Long-term use of naloxone could have side effects. What Woods can say, definitively, is that the mice in the experiment felt as little pain as mice who did not have the Nav1.7 channel naturally. Woods, his team, and the rest of the field are working to fill in the re- search gaps to start answering these questions for humans. “We hope to see our approach tested in human trials by 2017 and

STUDY METHODOLOGY Studying mice genetically modified to be without the Nav1.7 channel, Wood found that such mice had bodies that dis- played a large increase in certain genes responsible for creating opioid peptides. Opioid peptides occur naturally in the body as the body’s painkiller and have a similar effect as opioids. In making more of the opioid pep- tides, the mice were blocking any feelings of pain, which might be the reason people suffering from CIP also don't feel pain. Wood thought that if he gave mice a medicine that reversed the effect of the opioid peptides, it may reverse the disorder. He gave the mice naloxone—a medication used to reverse opioid overdoses—and it worked. Wood figured the same could be done for humans. “After a decade of rather disap- pointing drug trials, we now have confirmation that Nav1.7 is a key element in human pain,” Woods says. “The secret ingredient turned out to be good old-fashioned opioid peptides, and we have now filed a patent for combining low dose opioids with Nav1.7 blockers. This should replicate the pain- lessness experienced by people with rare mutations, and we have already successfully tested this approach in unmodified mice.” CONGENITAL INSEN- SITIVITY TO PAIN (CIP) is a very rare genetic mu- tation that prevents mes- sages of physical pain from reaching the brain.

Could help in making better painkillers.

Research researcher and his team of researchers studied a 39-year-old woman with CIP. Using a laser beam and a dose of naloxone, Wood helped the woman, who elected to partici- pate anonymously, feel pain for the first time in her life. “Used in combination with Nav1.7 blockers, the dose of opioid needed to prevent pain is very low,” says Wood in an UCL release. “People

Using a test subject with a ge- netic mutation that prevents her from feeling pain, scientists have conducted research that shows promise in creating more effec- tive painkillers—and potentially decreasing the need for addictive opioids. Congenital insensitivity to pain (CIP) is a very rare genetic muta- tion that prevents messages of physical pain from reaching the brain. Sufferers of the disorder, as babies, will chew their lips until they bleed. Toddlers have to deal with more potential for falls, bumps and being hurt by hot or sharp things. Adults are at a high- er risk of dying prematurely. The disorder leaves those afflict- ed without channels known as Nav1.7, which carry sodium to sensory nerves. Understanding this disorder and channels of pain reception and delivery has led re- searchers to study the disorder for ways to block pain in those who don't have the disorder. Research- ers thought they could block pain transporting channels in people without CIP so they can help those with chronic and painful ailments like arthritis. HELPING A WOMAN CRY In a study published by the journal Nature, John Wood, a University College London (UCL) Wolfson Institute for Biomedical

we can then start looking into drug combinations to help the millions of chronic pain patients around the world,” Woods says. Imperial College London professor Kenji Okuse reacted to Wood’s findings to the New Scientist, saying that the research will provide more information to doc- tors about pain.

with nonfunctioning Nav1.7 produce low levels of opioids throughout their lives without de- veloping tolerance or experiencing unpleasant side effects.”

We hope to see our

“Opioids and Nav1.7 blockers could provide much stronger analgesics, but they will not necessarily be better for patients,” Okuse says. “If we take the combination therapy route, people would have to take opioids throughout the lifetime, which is not a welcome thing.”

approach tested in human trials by 2017 and we can then start looking

into drug combinations to help the millions of chronic pain patients around the world. — John Wood, University College London Wolfson Institute for Biomedical Research researcher

As for this work leading to com- plete cessation of pain, Wood tells the New Scientist that some research has found success, but nothing has led to the complete pain loss found in those that are naturally without Nav1.7 channels.

A Deadly Trio: How A PANDEMIC American Overdoses, In 2019, there were more than 7,300 deaths from opiod overdoses among African-Americans, according to a collection of data from the Kaiser Family Foundation. Community African and Disparities are affecting THE

Black patients with opioid use disorder were 35 times less likely than white people to be prescribed Suboxone

Research Center. However, experts and medical researchers within the minority population are still encouraging others not to discount the coronavirus vaccine and contribute to the already staggering number of Black people who have died from the virus. Receiving the vaccine gives a chance of lowering and stabilizing this rate. A study found that since the start of the pandemic, 179 per 100,000 Afri- can-Americans died from the virus. Inequalities in struc- tural systems such as open hours for COVID-19 testing sites, workers’ ability to take a sick day from work and exposure to high volumes of people in enclosed areas like public transportation systems have all contributed to this rate. Experts are recommending people take the vaccines to help close these gaps. While the struggles are many, grassroots organizations and small community treatment facilities are among the efforts making dedicated strides in addressing structural biases within the arena of providing addiction treatment for African-Americans. These voices are the advocates for the needs of these individuals, like wider access to medi- cations like Suboxone and affordable long-term care pro- grams. Distributing Narcan kits in vulnerable areas and educating these communities on the dangers of fentanyl are some of the current priorities. Further, creating specific policy and educational inter- ventions for providers is needed to promote the use of Suboxone in diverse populations. In February, President Biden added to his team aiming to tackle the opioid crisis. They discussed plans for immediate efforts that would help curb overdose deaths and focus on racial equity in drug policy and expanding access to medications like Sub- oxone. Thus, as researchers, addiction treatment facilities and providers look for ways to better serve their clients, they must look beyond the suburban gated communities and work to address the opioid crisis among the under- served population of African-Americans.

Journal of the American Medical Association showed Black patients with opioid use disorder were 35 times less likely than white people to be prescribed Suboxone, a medication that is highly effective in preventing relapses and fatal overdoses. These differences in prescriptions are apparent in the treatment facilities located in Black and lower-income communities as compared to those in suburban white areas. When injected, Suboxone produces opiate withdrawal, limiting its abuse potential. It is also less lethal in over- dose compared to methadone, which has higher rates of addiction and can produce severe withdrawal symp- toms. A national survey of Suboxone and methadone patients showed 92 percent of patients taking Suboxone were white, whereas this demographic only accounted for 53 percent of patients taking methadone. Treatment providers that can prescribe Suboxone are often listed online and require access to web-based resources. Clinics prescribing methadone, however, receive referrals from agencies with limited funding and that serve people with low incomes, social welfare offices and the criminal justice system. Additionally, the majority of clinics certified to pre- scribe Suboxone receive payment through a client’s private insurance. Few of these clinics accept Medicaid, which covers a large percentage of clients receiving meth- adone. In light of recent heightened awareness and concentrat- ed demands for equal healthcare and treatment services among minority populations, there has been an increased focus on distributing COVID-19 vaccines to those within the African-American community. Conversations have ris- en surrounding distrust in government and widespread administrations due to racist medical malpractice studies like the Tuskegee Syphilis Study. While about 60 percent of Americans reported they plan to receive a coronavi- rus vaccine, only about 42 percent of Black Americans said they plan to do so, according to a survey by the Pew

A CDC study from the same year reported a steady increase in the rates of opioid over- doses in the African - American community. Because the numbers of deaths from overdos- es continue to plague white, suburban communities at a higher volume, the narrative for discussing solutions surrounding the epidemic centers around providing aid to these majority communities. These solutions have often overlooked the needs and struggles of Black communities, especially those of low-income areas, that are suffering from steadily increasing rates. In the wake of the coro- navirus pandemic, disparities in treatment among this minority community have been greatly exposed, along with inequalities in treatment quality and options for ur- ban and low-income areas regarding addiction and mental health treatment. During the coronavirus pandemic, the CDC has record- ed a 20 percent surge in fatal drug overdoses across the nation. Researchers at the University of Pennsylvania analyzed Philadelphia’s drug overdose data and found a surge of more than 50 percent among the city’s Black pop- ulation, whereas the rate of deaths among white residents remained constant and even declined in some months. In the pre-pandemic times, researchers were finding over- dose rates among Black people rising faster than those among white people.

During the scope of the overall drug epidemic, another plague surrounding opioids has been rising within the African-African community. Fentanyl was first introduced in the 1960s as an anesthetic or pain medication. Its use scaled as other pain medications also emerged onto the market. During the 1990s, the increasing severity of the prescription drug crisis did not primarily affect African Americans. This was due partly to racism in the health- care system regarding doctors’ approach to treating pain among Black patients. Thus, it was clear African-Amer- icans did not have the same issue with the epidemic as white people in suburban areas. However, during that time and through the present day, crack cocaine has been the consistent drug of choice for users within the Black community. In 2015, the illicit drug market began using fentanyl and manufacturing it overseas. Dealers began wedding cocaine and fentanyl, and that marked the start of an explosion of overdose deaths among African Ameri- cans from these drugs. As inequalities in healthcare systems contributed to a drug crisis that varied from African-American users to white users during the 90s, these same disparities have accounted for a lack of preventative and responsive care and treatment among the minority community. They have continued through systemic biases that remain present in current systems. A 2019 study by the

The Increasing Influence of America’s Black Vote Since 1992, no candidate has won the Democratic nomination without receiving a majority of the black vote

A s Biden took his official oath during the presidential inauguration alongside Kamala Harris on Jan. 20, 2021, he and Black voters across the country were aware of their pivotal factor in the two leaders winning the election. This was reflected during the voting period in cities with large populations of Black voters. Preliminary national exit polls showed about 87% of Black voters favored Biden over Trump. Those numbers were specifically divided between the votes of 19% of all Black men and 9% of all Black women in America. Exit poll data also show that Black Americans represented more than 50% of all Democratic voters in Geor- gia. Large numbers were also reflected in states like Michigan and Pennsylvania. In February 2020, Rep. James Clyburn, the House majority whip and highest-ranking African American in Congress, endorsed Biden three days before the South Carolina primary. Many Demo- cratic voters living in the southeastern state said Clyburn’s endorsement was a swaying factor in their decision to vote for Biden and his running mate, Kamala Harris. Last year, the number of votes Black Americans accounted for was more than triple what they were only a few decades ago. While the influence of the Black vote held a significant role, its power was overtly apparent in the 2016 campaign that followed the 2008 election garnering 13% of Black votes, 95% of which were for Barack Obama. It’s why Donald Trump focused so much of his campaign on winning the vote of Black Americans during his 2016 campaign. “What do you have to lose by trying something new, like Trump? I will produce for the inner cities. I will produce for the African Americans,” he said. Trump’s effort to appeal to African Americans portrayed the growing dynamic of catering to Black voters that had been growing since much earlier years in history. In 1972, Shirley Chisholm launched what was a historic campaign and became the first African American to run for a Democratic presidential nom- ination. She’d become the first Black U.S. Congress- woman and was a co-founder of the Congressional Black Caucus. Under her slogan “Unbought and Un- bossed,” Chisholm wanted her campaign to be an in- augural avenue for other Black Americans to run for the presidency. She strived to change the narrative that only white men could run for or hold the coun- try’s executive position. and her campaign picked up record numbers of votes from Black women.

In 1976, on the day before the New Hampshire primary, presidential candidates Sargent Shriver, Morris Udall, Jimmy Carter, Henry Jackson, Fred Harris and Milton Shapp were the Democratic names on the ticket. This election was like the oth- ers during its time, as all-white spreads of candidates were typical. The Voting Rights Act was just 10 years old at the time, and Black voters would only make up 10% of the voting population. In 1984, however, the leader of Operation PUSH, Rev. Jesse Jackson, became the second African American to run for president. His campaign en- couraged extensive voter registration among African Americans. Black voters in New Jersey, for example, represented 20% of the June Democratic primary electorate. This was nearly triple the percentage these votes accounted for in 1980. On Super Tues- day, Jackson received 21% of votes in Georgia, a state known for its large Black population. His campaign expanded the role of Black voters in U.S. elections. Last year, the number of votes Black Americans accounted for was more than triple what they were only a few decades ago. Forty years later, by the time campaigns began for the 2020 election, much had changed, and Black voter registration was steadily on the rise as the U.S. displayed one of its most diverse list of candidates. There were four Black major Democratic candidates, including Wayne Messam of Florida, Cory Book- er of New Jersey, Deval Patrick of Massachusetts and Kamala Harris of California. A much wider spread of representation on the Democratic ticket brought higher percentages of Black voters to the polls. These numbers were exponentially higher and incomparable to the 1976 election and several others of its time. Since 1992, no candidate has won the Democratic nomination without receiving a majority of the black vote. As a minority group, the growing influence of the votes of Black Americans will often be respon- sible for bringing historical change to the United States.

Then and Now: A Look at Two of America's Most Prolific Racial Justice Movements

T wo movements. Two vastly different periods in history. One cause. The Civil Rights and Black Lives Matter movements were cre- ated for the purpose of establishing and furthering positive societal practices and treatment of African Americans. Though they differ in time periods, leaders and specific motivating events, they were both led and founded upon activism for justice and equality for Black people. Started in the mid-1950s, the Civil Rights Movement was a social movement with the goal to end discrimination and racial segregation toward African Amer- icans. It was known for its non-violent approaches to addressing and calling attention to acts of racial discrimination. Lunch counter sit-ins and the Montgom- ery Bus Boycott that involved 42,000 people and lasted more than a year are some of its most notable examples. Black Lives Matter is an international political and activist movement that be- gan in 2013 within the Black community to demand and support practices against violence toward African Americans. Dismantling platforms and operations that are breeders for racial violence and police brutality are one of its foundation- al pillars. In its early development and throughout demonstrations and protests, social media users rapidly increased the prominence of the movement by circu- lating the hashtag “#BlackLivesMatter.” The Black Lives Matter Network was later formed and provides an online platform for organizers and activists to share plans, resources and goals. Posts and conversations arose after the unarmed 17-year-old Trayvon Martin was shot and killed by George Zimmer- man, a neighborhood watch coordinator. Zimmerman was acquitted following Martin’s death. The protests and demon- strations that followed characterized Black Lives Matter as a grassroots move- ment whose participants were often will-

ing to radically approach their cause. For both the Civil Rights and Black Lives Matter movements, violence of- ten ensued, even if not intended by its participants. Demonstrators during the 1950s and 60s were met with fire hoses cranked to dangerous pressures, attacked by police dogs and shot by police. Those involved in Black Lives Matter protests have been protesting police brutality both outside of and within their demon- strations. On Aug. 10, 2014, protests and riots brewed after 18-year-old African American Michael Brown was shot and killed by a white police officer in Fergu- son, Missouri. Tensions grew between protestors and police, and officers arrived in riot gear to dispel crowds looting and vandalizing property. The following day, police deployed tear gas and rubber bul- lets at protestors. The movement again received height- ened international attention after George Floyd was killed outside a convenience store by a white police officer. More than 20 million people were estimated to have participated in the national protests as thousands of others also marched in the streets of countries around the globe. “I can’t breathe,” “No justice, no peace,” “Defund the police” and “Don’t shoot” were words that became common during these protests. With the modern-day widespread use of social media, people around the world are able to learn about and participate in Black Lives Matter demonstrations. During last year’s protests, activists in other countries plastered the movement’s hashtag as they tore down and shattered statues of historical figures who were known to be slave owners. The global attention placed on these events brought national attention to the movement and a continued understanding of the events and calls for change that fueled the Civil Rights Movement.

The protests and demonstrations that followed characterized black Lives Matter as a grassroots movement

Crisis Growth THE and Support of BLACK-OWNED Businesses During THE Economic In a 2020 Pew Research study, 43% of Black adults surveyed reported they or someone else in their house- hold either was laid off or took a pay cut because of the pandemic, compared to 38% of white Americans who were surveyed.

able to rehire staff members that were laid off due to the financial stresses of the pandemic. For those that were not able to bring on their full staff, the increase in revenue went to paying all or portions of their building leases or purchasing prod- uct resources to keep up with the sudden surge in customer support. While customer contributions were soaring during this period, governmental assistance was at a low. As access to busi- ness funding has been historically more difficult for Black businesses to achieve than their white counterparts, receiving federal relief assistance during the pan- demic was also a struggle. With the distri- bution of the Paycheck Protection Pro- gram (PPP), only 20% of these loans were allocated to areas in the country with a lower proportion of Black businesses. The Small Business Majority group reported that 23% of Black owners who did not receive a PPP loan were told their appli- cations to receive the loan were denied, whereas only 9% of white owners from the survey were denied funding. Though federal support was generally lacking for these minority businesses, the strides of the business owners con- tinued. Black people who still had their jobs during the pandemic expanded their work hours to create businesses they ran in their time outside of their full-time jobs. Social media accounts, company websites and blogs dedicated pages of their platforms to creating informational content specifically for Black business owners. The momentum from the busi- ness support of 2020 paired with the growth of Black ownership generated a continued increase in the interest and founding of Black-owned businesses that were started with the hope of leading generational wealth and providing inde- pendence from biased financial systems. Buyers showed up virtually in droves to support Black businesses in whatever ways were feasible.

During this time, however, there was a surge of Black entrepreneurship and pro- motion of these businesses that served as additional sources of income for the minority group. In 2020, events around racial unrest led to heightened conversations around how to support independence and pros- perity among Black people. At a time when jobs and finances were at a spot of turmoil for many people, supporting Af- rican Americans financially became a fo- cal point. Buying from Black businesses was the most direct way to accomplish this and served as a way to increase wealth distribution among the communi- ty. It would also be an avenue to gradu- ally close the Black-white wealth gap. In June, many owners felt the surge of customers supporting their business- es. Many saw double, sometimes triple, their monthly earnings in the span of weeks. Customers slashed their frequent allegiance to large companies like Ama- zon, Target, and mall-based stores and redirected their attention to the local mi- nority shops trying to keep their doors open. Because many people were tighten- ing their wallets after experiencing the economic downturn from the pandemic, already established businesses encoun- tered difficulties in maintaining a con- sistent customer base. However, buyers showed up virtually in droves to support Black businesses in whatever ways were feasible. Hashtags like “#Blackbusiness,” #Blackowned,” and “#Buyblack” were trending on social media platforms as users encouraged supporting local busi- nesses and purchasing from Black-owned companies. Facebook donated $40 mil- lion in grants to small Black businesses across the country, and Yelp reported a 617% increase in reviews containing phrases like “black-owned.” As a result of these actions focused on financially assisting these business- es, Black companies saw an exponential climb in customer engagement, height- ened brand awareness and press cover- age along with their increase in service requests and product orders. Many were

Millions watched as a Black intensive care nurse in Queens, New York received the first dose in the country of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine.

A Rooted History:

On a mid-December Monday in 2020, the Unit- ed States recorded a coronavirus death toll topping 300,000. The 10th month of lockdown restrictions brought record low numbers of holiday travel for family visits, continued effects of economic stress both on federal and inde- pendent levels and the compounding difficulty of students receiving virtual instruction. Mil- lions watched as a Black intensive care nurse in Queens, New York received the first dose in the country of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine. Though a leading name among vaccine production, the Pfizer vaccine has not been approved by the Food and Drug Administration. News reports also detailed side effects that occurred following some of the initial administrations of the vac- cine in various parts of the country. While these facts produced hesitation or questioning about the safety of the vaccine among many, the Black community had a greater amount of reluctance to consider. Now nearly three months into countrywide vaccine distribution, doses are going to groups of healthcare workers and employees in fields with higher risks of transmitting the virus. A report from a data tracker through the CDC stated more than 60% of these doses have gone to white people, whereas only 6% have gone to African Americans. While demographics and varying vaccination phases throughout states are factors that contribute to this disparity, historical events and patterns are perhaps the greatest factors that account for this significant differ- ence. In 1932, in partnership with the Tuskegee Insti- tute, the U.S. Public Health Service recruited hundreds of rural Black men to participate in a study they were told would treat them for “bad blood,” an all-encompassing term at the time that referenced a span of conditions and ailments. Officially named the Study of Untreat- ed Syphilis in the Negro Male, the goal was to “observe the natural history of untreated syphi- lis” among Black populations. The study’s partic- ipants, however, were not provided the scope of these intentions and were denied the education

or resources that could give them the knowl- edge needed to make informed decisions about their participation. During the study, the men were given free meals, medical exams and burial insurance. They were not aware, however, the purpose of the study was to deny them medical treatment during the process. Instead of lasting the six months it initially prom- ised, the study continued for 40 years. Penicillin was widely introduced as an antibiotic to treat syphilis in 1947, yet it was not offered to the study’s participants. They were also not given the option to halt their involvement in the study and receive treatment if desired. When a federal advisory board was called in to assess the ethics of the study, the panel found the men had been misled and the study was “ethically unjustified.” A year later, settlements and reparations were distributed. However, the hindsight perspective of the study reflects a trusted group of govern- ment medical researchers intentionally omitting vital information from a group of men either seeking treatment or volunteering to participate in a study they believed would lead to the treat- ment of syphilis. Now nearly 50 years later, as a pandemic shakes the globe, the Black community is reminded of the injustices of that experiment. A host of Black educational and medical leaders across the coun- try have voiced their support of the coronavirus vaccine and are encouraging African Americans to receive it. While some say the continued rise of vaccination numbers will assuage concerns, a justified amount of anxiety around the doses is still present for many.

Concerns Among CovidVaccines in the Black Community

DON’T THINK IT DOESN’T AFFECT YOU.

The Role of Social Media in Furthering Black Progress

For years, the use of social media has been on an exponential rise. A study from the Pew Research Center estimates more than 70% of adults in the U.S. are active users of social media plat- forms like Tik Tok, Instagram, Twitter and Facebook. These out- lets have served as avenues for self-expression, unity and sharing of ideas. For Black people around the country, they have been a place to share resources and encourage Black progress and suc- cess. In May of last year, following the killing of George Floyd, Pew conducted an analysis of tweets and found nearly nine million posts contained the “BlackLivesMatter’’ hashtag in that month alone. The use of other hashtags supporting the movement also grew exponentially as investigations began for the cases of Bre- onna Taylor, Rayshard Brooks and Ahmaud Arbery. On June 2, well over 28 million pictures of black squares flooded social me- dia timelines. Many of them were posted solely with the hashtag “BlackoutTuesday.” The squares were intended to show gestures of solidarity for justice following the recent shootings and acts of police brutality.

As users follow people and accounts on social media, they tai- lor their experience to consuming content they consider relat- able, useful or inspirational. Posts about hair products for Black hair, Black-owned products and businesses, wealth and finan- cial advice, healthy relationships and awareness for racial justice events are among some of the widely-shared topics. Pew reported in 2020 that 55% of Black social media users between the ages of 18 and 49 posted at least one picture that year showing support of a cause related to racial justice and equality. The study also found that 60% of Black users interact with social media to find other people who share their views about important political or social issues, compared to 39% of white users. At a time when promotions are half the task of running a busi- ness, social media provides a space for free marketing with cre- ative strategies based on a company’s individual needs. In the world of social media, outside of sponsorships, creativity ranks higher than monetary resources, giving both Black and white businesses equal opportunities for exposure. As the resources for knowledge and financial assistance are often limited among

Black businesses, an active social media profile can provide some compensation for this disparity. A study from the Center for Media and Social Impact sug- gested these outlets help “level a media playing field dominated by pro-corporate, pro-government and anti-Black ideologies.” Advertising through these platforms allows for consistent expo- sure as users like, share and comment on posts without having to purchase products. Customers can also tag their favorite brands in their posts and stories, instantly bringing new eyes to these products. These platforms also serve as a hub of knowledge and ex- perience for people wanting to start businesses. Owners post Pew conducted an analysis of tweets and found nearly nine million posts contained the “BlackLivesMatter’’ hashtag in that month alone.

content, respond to direct messages and host live videos an- swering viewers’ questions about specific topics. This creates an accessible source of discussions and resources to address specific needs within the Black community from those with current experience. Just as social media has brought greater attention to world- wide protests and demonstrations around racial justice, a comparable amount of attention has been placed on the ex- cellence that thrives daily in Black communities. It provides people, especially the younger generation, with an outlet for expressing their identities that may be partially concealed throughout their everyday lives as they mix with a predomi- nantly white society. Pictures show fashion trends inspired by 90s Black culture. Videos show daily routines for wellness and fitness habits. And written posts and captions provide mo- tivational insights on approaching and living in the current political climate. This all exists alongside humorous posts that bring temporary relief from the stresses encountered through efforts for activism and awareness.

The Role of Cancel

Culture in Targeting Racism

In May 2020, a white New York woman, Amy Cooper, was ridiculed on social media after a video circulated showing her calling the police on a Black man, Christian Cooper, who was birdwatching in Central Park. After Christian asked Amy to put her dog on a leash, Amy said she was calling the cops. “I’m going to tell them there’s an Afri- can American man threatening my life,” she said. Chris- tian recorded the conversation and posted the video to social media. People spread her name across the Internet as the video went viral. Many of them contacted Amy’s employer about her racially prompted actions, and she was fired the next day. In February 2021, Chris Harrison, the host of the reality TV series “The Bachelor,” announced he was “stepping aside” from his role on the show. In an interview during the franchise’s first season with a Black bachelor, Har- rison discussed photos from one of the show’s contes- tants. Her photos included images of her attending an Antebellum party three years prior. Though celebrating pre-Civil War history can be an offensive point of conver- sation for many Black viewers, Harrison’s opinion on the contestant’s photos showed what seemed to be support as he defended her attending the party. After seeing and receiving a host of posts and comments responding to his interview, Harrison announced his temporary departure from the show. In schools across the country, students have also created Facebook groups among their peers to expose and dis- cuss racist behavior from other students. In some cases where the behavior was taken to authority figures and deemed to be racist, severe consequences have resulted. Some students have had their college admission revoked and received deductions from their scholarships. Social media can often be an echo chamber for racism and hateful rhetoric. While cancel culture does not only apply to behaviors involving racism, it has become a tool many users define as an obligation of social activism and holding people accountable for their words and challeng- ing them to more productive actions.

Students have created Facebook groups to expose racist behavior from other students.

S ocial media has long been a source of entertain- ment and opportunity to connect with friends and family and establish new social circles. However, in light of the movement against recent acts of racial injustice and police brutality, it has become a hub of platforms many people are using to expose actions, be- haviors and language that are primarily racist or sexist. Among the Black community, this has become a power- ful avenue for pursuing justice on a social level. As conversations and perspectives from the Black Lives Matter protests continue to linger, people on social me- dia have become quick to highlight racist behavior and effectively “cancel” the people behind that content. The online movement is often referred to as “cancel culture” and involves people shaming and withdraw- ing support from businesses and individuals known to engage in racially offensive behavior.

“Social media has become a hub of platforms people are using to expose racist or sexist behavior.”

Kamala Harris: The First of Many

Dressed in a purple coat and ensemble and with pearls around her neck, Kamala Harris stood beside the podium with her right hand on the Bible. A smile was pressed onto her lips as she waited to repeat the phrases of her oath of office as the newly elected vice president of the United States. She was both the first woman and Black woman to stand in that position. Born in Oakland, California to parents who emigrated from India and Jamaica, Harris grew up in the environ- ment of advocacy. Her parents were justice advocates and often brought her to demonstrations during the Civ- il Rights Movement. At a young age, she was introduced to activists like Constance Baker, Charles Hamilton Houston and Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall. She has said these individuals were role models whose work furthered her interest in attending law school. She boasts educational accomplishments and graduated from Howard University and the University of California’s Hastings College of Law. Once in her career, Harris became the first Black woman to serve as the district attorney for the county of San Francisco. In 2017, she was elected to the Senate and was only the second Black woman to serve in that position. Through her work, Harris has backed and sponsored legislation supporting criminal justice reform, an- ti-lynching and policies benefitting women and young girls. In her first speech as vice president-elect in No- vember 2020, she said she hopes to inspire and encourage other women across the country to shatter the barriers surrounding them in school, work and politics. “While I may be the first woman in this office, I won’t be the last because every little girl watching tonight sees that this is a country of possibilities.” During her initial campaign, Harris became one of only 11 Black women in the history of the United States to run for president. Though none of them won their

political races, the representation and historic events of their campaigns often encouraged minority voter registration and created valuable points of inspiration and progress for women and African Americans. Harris tailored her running points to Black Americans and con- sistently underlined her Jamaican and Indian roots.

“We did it, Joe. We did it.”

When she accepted Joe Biden’s request to join his campaign as vice president, she further opened a path that had been previously uncharted for minority groups across the country. “We did it, Joe. We did it,” she said after learning of their victory. While the iconic words signaled the end to efforts to win the election, they were a celebration of progress for the women, Black Ameri- cans and other minority groups who later watched the reaction. All throughout her campaign and the election, Kama- la Harris’ first name was often mispronounced, raising questions of how to enunciate the syllables containing the Indian meaning of “lotus flower.” Many Black men and women could identify with having names over which native English tongues would stutter. Hearing her name spoken correctly, however, in front of an audi- ence of the country’s top politicians and to the ears of millions of Americans on inauguration day solidified the tone of representation and respect Harris, her role models and activist predecessors have advocated for.

My mother would look at me, and she’d say, ‘Kamala, you may be the first to do many things, but make sure you are not the last. That’s why breaking those barriers is worth it. As much as anything else, it is also to create that path for those who will come after us. - Kamala Harris, Vice President of the United States “ ”

Populations Among Black Why COVID-19 Are Rates Higher

This leads to an increased risk of not receiving proper healthcare that is crucial in the time of a global pandemic

A report from the CDC in April 2020 found that 33% of patients who were hospitalized with COVID-19 were Black, although Black people made up only 18% of the studied population. Pre- existing conditions such as diabetes, asthma, hypertension and obesity disproportionately impact the African American commu- nity and heighten one’s risk of becoming susceptible to the vi- rus. These conditions also increase the chance of complications if the virus is contracted. Evidence has shown that structural inequities in social as- pects, like poverty and access to healthcare, play a determining role in one’s overall health and quality of life. Racial minority groups are often especially vulnerable to these changes due to fewer available resources compared to other groups. This leads to an increased risk of not receiving proper healthcare that is crucial in the time of a global pandemic. A report from the CDC listed a variety of factors that are steady contributors to inequalities that expose minority groups to higher risks of seeing the effects from the virus. Discrimination, a lack of access to healthcare, wealth gaps and housing limita- tions are only some of the inequities that plague many Black communities. As discrimination affects countless areas of life, its existence in systems designed to provide care and life-saving support can be deadly. In healthcare systems, it decreases or revokes stan- dards of quality care. When paired with lower rates of insurance

among Black communities, as compared to their white coun- terparts, access to quality care becomes nearly nonexistent. COVID testing, vaccines and care during hospitalization can become extremely expensive and prevent someone in need of care from pursuing treatment. As disparities of income and educational levels are present between racial groups, one’s ability to leave a job that is put- ting them at risk for contracting the virus is lessened, whereas someone with a higher paying job may be in a financial po- sition that gives them more flexibility to leave that job. Bus drivers, train operators and custodians are overrepresented by people in the Black community. These are essential jobs that often require long hours and do not offer adequate health benefits to offset gaps in accessing affordable healthcare and treatments. While conclusive results have not been finalized to show if efforts to quell these disparities have been effective, many governmental and healthcare agencies are making targeted attempts to address some of these healthcare gaps. Some lo- cal initiatives are offering increased hours at testing sites to account for employees working jobs outside of the standard 9-5 schedule. Eliminating the underlying causes of disparities in wealth, healthcare and education would be instrumental in shaking these effects but will require years of dedicated work from community organizations and lawmakers at all levels.

Racial minority groups are often especially vulnerable to these changes due to fewer available resources compared to other groups

“Black clients are less likely to receive guideline-consistent care. They also often receive poorer quality of care.”

Mental

Disparities

in

Health

Care

in the

Black

Community

W hen it comes to addressing mental health in the Black community, there are a num- ber of barriers and stigmas an individual may need to overcome if they desire to receive treat- ment. This accounts for the gap in the rate of Black people who receive treatment for concerns about their mental health as compared to white people. This can be attributed to several factors, including stigmas associated with mental illness, a lack of diversity and cultural competency among treatment providers and difficulty accessing affordable insurance and services. Thus, those offering treatment in this field must work to recognize, understand and address these factors to ensure they are overcoming these obstacles and providing quality care to this minority group. Mental health therapists and counselors working specifically with Black clients report a stigma that is attached to mental health services that creates a gap between mental health awareness and solutions. Black families often have the narrative of keeping family business private, or not inviting outside sources into matters within the home. “What happens in this house stays in this house,” is a mantra many individuals can recall hearing. However, phrases like this create men- talities that inhibit constructive expression or discus- sion of these situations to licensed professionals who can assist in working through specific issues. According to the Department of Health and Hu- man Services Office of Minority Health, Black adults are more likely than white adults to report persistent

tal health field, the APA found only two percent of psychiatrists are Black. A study from the University of Michigan reported white people account for about 95 percent of psychologists, 85 percent of social workers and 80 percent of counselors. With these sweeping percentages, many of the theories and practices of mental health have come from under- standings of the majority population, leaving little room to thoroughly study and apply those of minori- ties. To address these factors of diversity and cultural competency, those working in the field of mental health have the responsibility to improve the lives of their Black patients. This will require thoughtfully considering the historical, cultural and individual factors that influence the care that is given to this population of patients. Counselors can work to en- sure they educate themselves on the experiences of Black patients and the obstacles they have worked to overcome by seeking out care. Providers must also actively listen and evaluate each relationship to strengthen their alliance with patients and be more intentional in including more people of color in their staffing. Within the Black community, both families and individuals can work toward a more accepting perspective of taking mental health assessments and receiving care. These intentional actions can begin to bridge the gap in the Black community in regards to mental health and improve standards of psychological care.

symptoms of emotional distress. Of that group, those adults who live below the poverty line are more than twice as likely to report serious psychological distress than those who are more financially secure. The American Psychiatric Association (APA) reported Black people are 20 percent more likely to experi- ence serious mental health problems than the gen- eral population. This can be largely explained by a hesitance to seek care until they experience a crisis in their mental health. Additionally, historical factors play a part in af- fecting the access and quality of care that may be available to people of color. Slavery and segregation, along with other race-based exclusions, have created socioeconomic disparities within the Black commu- nity. These exclusions range from nearly every field, including education, finance and certainly mental health. Systemic racism has spanned further than just social implications, but it has also grown to affect the medical education, practice and research that creates the opportunity for qualityn care. The APA reported Black people are less frequently included in medical research and studies that can lead to more adequate treatment, funding and outreach for mental health programs and services. The organization found, compared to white people, Black clients are less likely to receive guideline-consistent care. They also often receive poorer quality of care, with less access to cul- turally competent care. With respect to a lack of diversity within the men-

The Chains of Mass Incarceration Modern-Day Slavery:

Systemic inequality has been built into the criminal justice system. Its origins came from the eras during and immediately following slavery.

A ccording to the American Civil Liberties Union, the United States only makes up about five percent of the world’s popu- lation. However, it has nearly 25 percent of the world’s prison population. These numbers are even more staggering when comparisons be- tween races are observed. The same organiza- tion reported if current trends continue as they are, one of every three Black boys can expect to go to prison in his lifetime, compared to one of every 17 white boys. These rates are steeped in the country’s history of slavery and racism and their lingering effects within the criminal justice system. Policing in southern states followed a trajecto- ry that is rooted in the ways of slave patrols from the 1600s and 1700s. Similarly, deaths of Black men in America at the hands of law enforcement can be traced back as early as the 1600s, ac- cording to the American Bar Association. Many studies and analyses suggest slavery morphed into what has become mass incarceration and the criminal justice system of the modern day. Many evils of slavery have only manifested into the criminal justice system. During the civil rights era, police assumed their responsibility of violently dispersing riots and protests. Officers responded with high-pres- sure hoses, dogs and tear gas. While the meth- ods and tools of their work have changed over the years, many of the force’s core purposes are still present in today’s society. From data collected from the FBI in 2018, an ABC analysis observed more than 1,000 jurisdictions across the U.S. over a three-year period. In 800 of those areas, the analyses found Black people were ar- rested five times more often than white people living in those same areas. In 250 of those juris- dictions, Black people were 10 times as likely to be arrested. This group also receives harsher sentences for the same crimes as white people. The advoca-

cy-based Sentencing Project reported an African American arrested for a drug offense can expect to spend about just as much time in prison as a white person who committed a violent offense. Systemic inequality has been built into the crimi- nal justice system. Its origins came from the eras during and immediately following slavery. In analyzing the shortcomings of this system within the U.S., private prisons are another fac- tor of growing concern. These prisons are often built near low-income areas. Because of factors like the wealth gap, redlining and financial barri- ers that have been systemically grounded, these areas are often majorly inhabited by com- munities of color. The amount of profits

these prisons collect is determined by how many of their beds they can keep filled. Prisoners are shipped between facilities to fill openings. They are paid fractions of a

dollar to perform services or create goods that either save or generate revenue for the prisons. The pris-

way to target users specific to the African Ameri- can community. Response from law enforcement for crack offenses was harsh prison sentences without ac- cessible opportunities for treatment and mental health support during and after an individual’s time in prison. In 1986, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act was passed. The act handed the most se- vere punishment to crack offenders. A powder cocaine offender could possess 100 times the amount of cocaine as a crack cocaine offender, yet both offenders would receive five-year mini- mum sentences. The act was not amended until 2010 when the 100-1 ratio was reduced to 18-1. Today, a report from the NAACP estimates more than five times as many white people use drugs compared to Black people. However, Black

people represent more than half the population of people in state prison for a drug offense. Ac- cording to the PREA Resource Center, if African Americans and Hispanics were arrested at the same rate as white people, incarceration rates would decline by more than 50 percent. As im- portant conversations continue to center around racial equality, one can only acknowledge the need to demand reform within this country’s prison system and criminal justice system at large.

ons thrive, the com- munities suffer, and the cycle continues, making connections between slavery and today’s system of criminal justice apparent.

At the height of one of the nation’s greatest drug epidemics in the 1980s, crack cocaine was often the drug of choice for users within the Af- rican American community. The substance was often sold in smaller quantities and, thus, was less expensive than powder cocaine, which was more common among white people. This dis- tinction provided the criminal justice system a